OSSREA Publications

Z I M B A B W E:SURVIVAL OF A NATION

John Mw Makumbe

Executive Summary

The current crisis in Zimbabwe effectively commenced in the year 2000, when President Robert Mugabe and his political party, the Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZanuPF), unleashed an unplanned but violent land reform process targeted at white commercial farmers. The formation of a credible and highly popular opposition political party, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), in 1999, and the popular rejection of a government-sponsored draft constitution in February 2000 had alerted the ruling ZanuPF party to the possibility of losing  political power at the polls that had been scheduled for June 2000. The violent farm invasions had resulted in the deaths of more than 200 people, most of them suspected to be supporters of the MDC. At least ten white commercial farmers lost their lives as a result of the farm invasions and the general mayhem that was clearly state- sponsored.

The ruling party allegedly rigged the 2000 parliamentary elections, and this resulted in ZanuPF winning only 62 of the contested 120 seats, and the MDC and another small party winning the remaining 58 seats. Political violence continued through to the holding of the 2002 presidential elections, which were also alleged to have been stolen in Mugabe’s favour. This development ensured that Mugabe, generally believed to have long outstayed his welcome, would hold onto political office for a further six years, until 2008. In one of its chapters, this study examines this unhealthy phenomenon of Mugabe’s delayed departure from the national executive position and identifies the following as some of the reasons for his extended tenure as president of Zimbabwe:

• A sense of failure on Mugabe’s part. He feels that he has not been able to lead the nation in such a way that it could be regarded as one of Africa’s most advanced or developed countries;
• A recognition that some of the promises and aspirations of the liberation era had, by 2000, not been fulfilled, especially the land issue;
• Reluctance on his part, to accept that there could be Zimbabweans with the capacity and capability to govern Zimbabwe better than himself – a sort of over-sized ego that refuses to place any trust or confidence in anyone else but himself; and,
• Lack of an attractive exit package with effective guarantees for his personal security after departing from state house. This is a real fear of possible prosecution for his past sins and current acts of what amount to “crimes against humanity”.

When Zimbabwe attained national independence in 1980, it was “given” a constitution that had been drawn up by the British government at Lancaster House in London. This Lancaster House document has since been amended some seventeen times by the Mugabe government. Although some of the amendments were clearly necessary and aimed at redressing some of the colonial injustices, others were deliberately designed in order to ensure that the ruling ZanuPF party entrenched itself in power for the foreseeable future. This study identifies a selection of key indicators for a democratic constitution and approaches a sample of informants and respondents in order to gather their views in relation to the Constitution of Zimbabwe. The following are some of the key findings of the study with regard to the Constitution of Zimbabwe:

• The Constitution of Zimbabwe does not adequately protect human rights and it does not provide minority groups with effective protection;
• Although elections are held frequently, they are neither free nor fair. There are just too many irregularities that seem to be associated with these elections;
• There is, indeed, universal adult suffrage as everyone who has attained the age of eighteen can vote;
• Treatment of opposition political parties under the law leaves a lot to be desired under the current Zimbabwe Constitution;
• There is severe curtailment of freedom of speech and the existence of alternative media;
• Cases of state-sponsored violence are not treated equally under the law, and this essentially creates a very uneven political playing field.

The majority of the respondents were also of the view that there was an urgent need for constitutional reforms in Zimbabwe, and that Zimbabweans should write their own constitution. As this study amply demonstrates, the incumbent political party seems to prefer to amend the existing constitution piece by piece, and in many instances, this has resulted in the erosion of civil liberties.

Perhaps the most contentious issue that the people of Zimbabwe have ever had to confront is the land question. This study makes a detailed discussion of the various political considerations that have had to be accommodated in resolving this colonial anachronism. It is obvious from the discussion that the colonial land tenure system was racially determined and grossly unfair to the majority of the people of Zimbabwe. Various pieces of legislation had to be promulgated by the Mugabe government in order to bring about a land reform system that favoured the majority black Zimbabweans. The problem that seems to have arisen was one of the methodologies of correcting a colonial wrong. The violent commercial farm invasions that were initiated and strongly supported by the ZanuPF government effectively resulted in the collapse of the agricultural sector. Because Zimbabwe is essentially an agro-based economy, the result of the agricultural collapse was, inter alia, that most of the other sectors of the economy also took a tumble, resulting, in turn, in the creation of the world’s fastest declining national economy.

The near total collapse of the national economy is manifest in the following aspects that are continuing to worsen even as this study is being prepared:

• A chronic shortage of foreign exchange;
• A 50% reduction in agricultural productivity;
• An approximately 45% decline in the manufacturing sector;
• Unemployment levels in excess of 80%;
• The world’s highest rate of inflation that has gone as high as 1 593.6% in January 2007;
• An estimated food deficit of30% for the three years since 2001;
• Poverty levels exceeding 85% and rising.

Naturally, this has resulted in the collapse of the social sector, with the health sector being the hardest hit, in a nation that is facing a devastating HIV/AIDS pandemic. Shortages of medicinal drugs, doctors, nurses, and operational equipment are among some of the causes of serious problems in the health sector. The education sector is equally damaged by the current Zimbabwe crisis. An estimated three to five million Zimbabweans now live in the Diaspora, having left their own country for greener pastures. This brain drain is now adversely affecting virtually all sectors of the economy. The education sector, however, is experiencing even more severe shortages of trained teachers, professional academics, and researchers, to name a few.

National survival for Zimbabwe is unlikely to come from the efforts of the Mugabe regime, which has largely become an oppressive and repressive vampire state. Neither is the solution likely to emanate from the feeble efforts of regional leaders in the Southern African Development Community (SADC). The African Union (AU) is very unlikely to demonstrate a willingness to tackle the Mugabe regime for all its acts of bad governance, human rights violations, and dictatorial leanings. This study argues that the solutions for the current Zimbabwe crisis lie squarely in the hands of Zimbabweans themselves. It is absolutely imperative that opposition political parties, civic groups, and churches provide the leadership that is required to mobilise the people of Zimbabwe against the Mugabe regime, if the nation is to survive.
It is obvious that the Mugabe regime will fight tooth and nail to stay in power, but the power of the people is bound to prevail in the end. It is commendable that the MDC, the largest opposition political party in Zimbabwe, has insisted on a non-violent approach to unseating Mugabe and his party from power. Most Zimbabweans are aware that violence is the trademark of Mugabe’s ZanuPF. Indeed, Mugabe has himself stated that he has “degrees in violence”, and experience since 2000 has borne out his penchant for violence. The survival of Zimbabwe as a nation will have to be sought at the political front and in a non-violent manner.